Sean Flynn
One of the questions swirling around Geneva these days is whether one country can block all progress alone. In WIPO last week, the U.S. laid down a couple gauntlets that may reappear at the Program and Budget Meetings next week. The US delegation asserted that, despite WIPO being a member of the United Nations, “[t]he United States does not support any proposal … intended to advance the implementation of the SDGs.” It also took aim at so-called “DEI” projects, asserting that “the policy of the United States to use clear and accurate language that recognizes women are biologically female and men are biologically male,” and that “[t]he United States does not and will not support the implementation of any program that promotes any form of diversity, equity or inclusion, precepts or initiatives.” So, if other countries do not bend to this will and extract such expenditures from WIPO’s budget, can the US alone block progress? The quick answer is no.
Most Geneva-based institutions strive to make decisions based on consensus, which can account for the glacial pace of some policy agendas. In the World Trade Organization, the U.S. alone has ground the organization to a halt by refusing to concede to the appointment of Appellate Board members. The WTO operates based on a very strict norm of consensus. In general, WIPO strives to operate based on consensus and one or a few members can often block progress. But the rules of operation for WIPO actually allow for votes and majority rule. There is a very recent precedent of using voting to approve the diplomatic conferences on the two most recent treaties adopted by the organization – the Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge (the “GRATK Treaty”), concluded at the WIPO Headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland in May 2024, and the Design Law Treaty (DLT) adopted in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on November 22, 2024.
Chapter VI of WIPO’s Rules of Procedure provide for voting on “[p]roposals and amendments submitted by a delegation … if they are supported by at least one other delegation.” (Rule 25). In such voting, “one half of the States members shall constitute a quorum,” and [u]nless expressly provided otherwise in the applicable treaties or in the present General Rules of Procedure, all decisions shall be made by a simple majority.”
These rules were used to sideline US opposition to moving toward diplomatic conferences on the GRATK Treaty and the DLT in the 55th Session of the WIPO General Assemblies (GAs) in July 2022. In that meeting, the US called for several votes to overcome Russia’s opposition to funding IP technical assistance in Ukraine. As Margo Bagley described in a recent article published by the Geneva Graduate Institute, these calls opened the door for voting strategies by others:
But where some saw opposition, others saw an opportunity. If WIPO members were open to voting on one issue, how about another? What about a Diplomatic Conference (DipCon), or two? Diplomats from demandeur countries in the IGC conferred with diplomats from high-income countries who wanted adoption of the draft Design Law Treaty, which had been languishing for years in a different WIPO committee and proposed a horse trade: agreement to two DipCons to result in two new treaties. If each group agreed to support the combined proposal (and lobbied like-minded states to do so as well) and the matter came to a vote, there should be enough votes to pass the measure – strategic opportunism at its best.
In the end, the minority of countries opposed to the diplomatic conferences, including the United States, abstained rather than vote against the proposals. But the threat of a vote and willingness to call for one enabled the majority of countries in favor of the treaties to move them forward over the protestations of a minorty. Majority rule prevailed.
A similar linkage between two normative agenda items – the Broadcast Treaty and an instrument on Limitations and Exceptions – is being pursued in the SCCR. Cf https://blog.knowledgegov.org/archives/44840 (WIPO IGC Director Wend Wendland noting: describing the “overt linkage between two seemingly unrelated normative agenda items, inspired by ‘package deals’ and ‘single undertakings’ agreed on in other organizations such as the WTO” as ”a novelty in WIPO”). The EU and allied countries are pushing for a diplomatic conference on the Broadcast Treaty. The African Group and allied countries took the position in the last SCCR that “an instrument on the protection of broadcasting organizations should advance to a Diplomatic Conference jointly with an instrument on limitations and exceptions that meets the 2012 General Assembly’s mandate.” https://blog.knowledgegov.org/archives/46253
At the last SCCR, the US maintained its support for discussing an instrument on “objectives and principles” for limitations and exceptions, and thus it is not formally opposed to progress on an L&E instrument. But even if it changed its position to block consensus, there is a procedural avenue – through voting – to overcome the opposition. Voting is generally only called for in the General Assembly and the Broadcast Treaty and L&E instrument will not be moving at the next meeting. But if the US blocks the budget based on its opposition to sustainable development and DEI considerations, we may see more rounds of voting at the next GA this July.
